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Numerous definitions of lesbian have been prompt, starting from "somebody who identifies as a lesbian" to "a girl-recognized woman" or "a woman who has sex with one other woman." Normally, sexual orientation is most frequently described as together with behavioral, affective (i.e., need or attraction), and cognitive (i.e., id) dimensions that occur along continua (Laumann et al., 1994). That is, ladies could exhibit differing levels of identical-sex sexual behavior, want, or identification in mixtures that differ from person to individual.

Table 1.2 presents data gathered in a national research of the sexual conduct of American adults aged 18 or over (Laumann et al., 1994) and illustrates how the estimated proportion of American women who are lesbian varies depending on the definition one selects. On this sample, 3.8% of the girls reported having had a minimum of one similar-sex sexual accomplice since puberty, 4.3% indicated that that they had engaged in particular sexual actions with another woman, 7.5% reported that they at the moment experienced want for a female sexual associate, and 1.4% recognized themselves as homosexual or bisexual (Laumann et al., 1994).4

Table 1.2

Percentage of Women Reporting Various Dimensions of Same-Sex (SS) Sexuality by Selected Social and Demographic Variables .

Variations in the way sexual orientation dimensions interact are additionally illustrated in Figure 1.1. Of the girls in the survey who reported some side of same-intercourse orientation, 58.7% reported that though they found intercourse with one other lady to be desirable, they'd never had a female sexual companion and did not identify themselves as homosexual or bisexual. Nearly 13% reported that they'd engaged in similar-intercourse sexual habits at a while since puberty, but didn't establish as homosexual or lesbian and didn't want a female companion. All who reported that they recognized themselves as homosexual or bisexual had engaged in same-sex conduct or discovered sex with a similar-intercourse partner to be fascinating. In different words, on this nationwide sample, virtually everyone (more than 90%) who self-recognized as a lesbian additionally reported both same-intercourse sexual conduct and want for another lady. However, many women who reported desire for other girls or identical-intercourse behavior didn't identify as lesbian.

Figure 1.1 Interrelation of the different dimensions of similar-sex orientation (present want, present or past identical-sex habits, current identification as homosexual or bisexual) for one hundred fifty girls (8.6% of the entire 1,749) who report any adult similar-gender orientation. (extra...)

The distribution of the dimensions of sexual orientation in the overall inhabitants can be graphically represented in a "sexual orientation cube" (see Figure 1.2).5 Women in cell A of the cube are clearly lesbian; they self-establish as homosexual, have solely female intercourse partners, and discover intercourse with women only to be very desirable. In contrast, these in cell B, at the alternative corner of the cube, would clearly be considered to have a quite different sexual orientation; they discover sex with girls not desirable, report no identical-sex habits, and self-identify as heterosexual. Harder to categorize are these girls who fall someplace throughout the central portion of the cube, reminiscent of those who need sex with girls however do not identify as lesbian or interact in similar-intercourse sexual habits, those that determine as homosexual or bisexual however have by no means engaged in identical-sex sexual habits, or those women with homosexual or bisexual id characterized by need for each female and male companions.

Figure

Figure 1.2 Dimensions of sexual orientation: appeal by sexual habits and identity.

As noted all through this report, no definitive set of information containing information about sexual orientation has been developed from a big chance pattern of girls; thus, any attempt to characterize the distribution of sexual orientation in women is subject to some distortion. The committee has analyzed information from the National Health and Social Life Survey (NHSLS) (Laumann et al., 1994) for instance the possible distribution of the dimensions of sexual orientation within the sexual orientation cube. These knowledge are useful for this purpose because the research used chance sampling strategies, included ladies from all through the country, and included sufficient girls within the pattern ( n = 1,719) to support a minimal level of evaluation.6

For the aim of this illustrative evaluation, sexual id was categorized as homosexual, bisexual, or heterosexual, and need or attraction was measured by the reported enchantment of same-sex habits from not interesting to very appealing.7 As seen later on this report, there are many ways in which researchers have measured similar-sex habits, usually assessing the gender of sexual companions throughout a sure time frame (e.g., by no means, ever, since age 18, during previous 5 years). Because there have been so few experiences of all similar-sex partners among the small variety of women on this pattern (n = 150) who reported any same-sex identity, conduct, or attraction, the committee used a measure of history of cohabitation with a similar-sex accomplice to evaluate lesbian sexual habits from no identical-intercourse companions to cohabitation with a same-sex accomplice.

al conduct was assessed with a combination of questions asking about similar-gender companions and cohabitation with a same-sex accomplice since age 18. Of the two variables in the NHSLS measuring identical-intercourse need (sex of the people to whom the respondent is sexually attracted and enchantment of sex with an individual of the same sex), enchantment was used in this analysis as a result of it yielded a larger number of circumstances in the nontypical categories and, like the other variables, could be measured simply using three levels. Although these variables might be measured with a better variety of ranges, solely three have been used to simplify visual presentation of the info and guarantee that almost all cells weren't empty. Within the NHSLS report, these dimensions had been analyzed dichotomously; that is, respondents had been categorized in accordance with whether or not they reported similar-intercourse behavior, need, or identity (Laumann et al., 1994).

Among a total of 1,719 ladies represented in Table 1.3,eight 1,699 (98.8%) recognized themselves as heterosexual, 9 (0.5%) as bisexual, and 11 (0.6%) as homosexual (i.e., lesbian).9 The nice majority of self-recognized heterosexuals (93.8%; n = 1,594) reported no identical-intercourse want or behavior (i.e., they would fall into cell B in Figure 1.2). Of the remaining 6.2%, the most important numbers are found in cells representing heterosexuals who have not had a feminine partner but who reported that they find sex with a female to be either somewhat or very appealing, and amongst self-recognized heterosexuals who've had a feminine companion however reported no identical-sex need. Although only 0.6% of the respondents self-identified as lesbian (i.e., their responses would fall into cell A in Figure 1.2), another 6.6% of the respondents reported same-sex conduct or desire. All self-recognized lesbians reported that they'd had a feminine sexual accomplice and that they discovered sex with females to be very appealing; most (81.8%, or 9 of 11) had cohabited with a feminine sexual accomplice. Self-recognized bisexuals in the pattern seem to occupy an intermediate position between heterosexuals and lesbians, displaying less variation than heterosexuals and more than lesbians both in their sexual behavior and in how interesting they find identical-intercourse sexual habits.

Table 1.Three

Sexual Orientation in Adult Women: Appeal and Sexual Behavior by Identity .

Particularly for lesbian and bisexual girls in the sample, but also for some heterosexual ladies, very low numbers of respondents in the cells make it inappropriate to generalize these patterns to the overall population with confidence. Further, limitations of survey research relating to the gathering of valid info on sexual orientation make it possible that these information underrepresent the actual population of ladies who fit the research definition of lesbian (see Chapter 3). 10 Also, the results reflect an unweighted evaluation though the ladies in the pattern differed in their chance of choice. Nonetheless, it is a useful exercise for illustrating the diversity of expression of sexual orientation in the inhabitants in addition to the difficulty of grouping sexual orientation into only some discrete classes. Additional analysis is needed utilizing probability sampling strategies able to including larger numbers of girls who do not match into the most typical pattern of heterosexually recognized girls (i.e., those that have not engaged in similar-sex conduct and don't discover having intercourse with one other girl interesting).

The committee strongly believes that there's nobody ''right" way to outline who's a lesbian. For a researcher designing a study on lesbian health, the really useful course is to develop measures that gather info concerning the aspects of lesbian orientation that are relevant to the precise venture at hand (see Chapter 3). Adopting this approach does not keep away from the issue of lesbian definition. Rather, it builds on the need to accept the complexity of sexual orientation and the social context during which it's embedded. In essence, "lesbian" should be defined to meet the needs of specific research studies, interventions, or applications of care inside typically accepted conceptual boundaries, with recognition of the three dimensions by way of which sexual orientation is most often outlined: identification, attraction or desire, and conduct.

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